Free and Fair Elections in Zimbabwe

Speech by David Ford delivered to Assembly, 23 June 2008 on Mon 23rd Jun 2008

Since our debate began, the BBC website has posted a report headed 'Tsvangirai seeks embassy refuge'. Last night, Morgan Tsvangirai sought refuge in the Dutch embassy in Harare - such is the threat to his life.

On 16 May, however, Morgan Tsvangirai was an honoured guest in our capital city when he attended the Congress of Liberal International. Belfast was one of the few places outside southern Africa that he visited in the time between what should have been the two rounds of elections. Despite the violence that had been perpetrated by ZANU-PF thugs across Zimbabwe, even before the first round of elections, it was clear at the time of Morgan Tsvangirai's visit to Belfast that the MDC had won the parliamentary election and he had come within a whisker of winning an outright majority in the presidential election - even on the basis under which that election was conducted. Few of us will believe that he was not the proper leader of Zimbabwe.

It was a privilege to host him, and to see that he was prepared to visit Belfast and to give his view, as the leader of Zimbabwe. He spoke as a man who had political and moral authority and as one who had a vision for the future. Not only did he speak of taking power - as one would expect a politician to do during an election campaign - but he spoke about the need for national reconciliation and building a new of way of governing Zimbabwe. He did not talk of revenge; he talked about a way in which the people of Zimbabwe could move forward together. Considering what he and his supporters had to tolerate, those words are an example to the world.

I welcome the positive responses that have come from every side of the Chamber during today's debate; however, much needs to be done before the required action will come from the bodies that can make the necessary difference.

Morgan Tsvangirai came to Belfast with the assistance of President Waad of Senegal; yet it is clear that few African leaders provided the type of support that was deserved. Most notably, President Mbeki of South Africa failed to make the necessary changes in his country's policy. As has been highlighted, the dockworkers of Durban did more for the people of Zimbabwe than the South African Government did in recent weeks.

I welcome the belated and tentative moves by some of the regional authorities and such bodies as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to see what can be done at local level. However, an enormous responsibility rests on world agencies. The people of Zimbabwe demand and require action in what they face - particularly by the United Nations, and by bodies such as the African Union, the European Union and Zimbabwe's neighbouring countries.

Before the first round of elections, the bulk of violence was directed in rural areas that traditionally supported the opposition. Since the first round of elections, violence has shifted into areas that previously supported ZANU-PF, but which changed in the run-up to the recent election, and even into Harare and other major towns. That violence has been carried out in the face of the world media, despite international observers. That is the measure of the corruption of the Mugabe regime, and the failure to take account of what needs to be done and what should have been done. It is obvious, therefore, why Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC had no option but to pull out of the election that was due to be held on Friday. A free and fair election would have been impossible. The amendment was proposed in recognition of how the situation had changed since the motion was tabled.

There were 17 contributions to the debate, and that shows the Assembly's widespread interest. Naomi Long opened the debate by delivering a well laid-out description of how, in recent months, Zimbabwe had descended into a malign dictatorship. It was interesting that Jim Shannon joined her in the prayer that Robert Mugabe will soon be removed from power in the interests of all the people.

Moreover, Jim Shannon talked about the need for the United Kingdom to take a stance, and Martina Anderson pointed out that there are difficulties for those in the United Kingdom, given Mugabe's attitude to the former colonial power. However, things can be done, and other Members highlighted how the European Union, in conjunction with some of the development agencies, can ensure that its voice is heard.

Danny Kennedy mentioned the patronage of ZANU-PF. He said that there was more to the situation than the simple matter of Mugabe being a dictator: the institutions that support him are also at fault.

Carmel Hanna pointed out the role that has been played by independent international non-governmental organisations in development work and that that is why they have now been expelled from the country - because they are telling the truth about what is happening. She made the situation very clear in her opening remarks when she said that Morgan Tsvangirai is the democratically elected leader of Zimbabwe.

4.45 pm

Dr Paisley talked about the updates that he has received from his missionary contacts and about the role of the UN. I do not know what the level of the UN role is - I am not sure that it is up to this Assembly to prescribe it - but it is certainly the role of the Security Council to carefully consider what must be done and the options for moving things forward.

There was an interchange between Alex Maskey and David Simpson over the question of Mugabe's role as a liberator as opposed to his role in the massacre of missionaries, which happened before liberation occurred. Both ignored the point that was made by Peter Weir, subsequently and which concerned the massacre of several thousand people in Matabeleland in the 1980s as part of the action taken against Joshua Nkomo and the Zimbabwe African People's Union. The way in which Mugabe behaved then was clear, and that has led a number of people - including John Dallat and Declan O'Loan - to ask why nothing has been done before now.

Raymond McCartney made the point strongly that there would be a lack of legitimacy in any election held at this stage. The necessity to move away from that second round of elections, which would have been flawed and would have further added to the violence, was summed up by Simon Hamilton when he talked about hope having died. We must ensure that hope does not die in those authorities where the Assembly has influence - the British and Irish Governments and the EU - and that people take their opportunities to learn from this crisis and move forward for the benefit of everyone.

John Dallat asked why the world has done nothing so far and what we can do now. There are clear issues that we can pursue. Lord Browne made the point that we have a role in persuading the UK and Irish Governments to get involved in UN and EU activities that support - however limited that support has been - those African states that have been supporting the cause for democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Zimbabwe. We must ensure that the notion that Robert Mugabe is perceived as a liberator and can therefore do no wrong is utterly out of date.

Mugabe was likened in the Chamber to Hitler: my memory does not go back as far as Hitler - some people's does - but what is absolutely clear is that Mugabe is a force for evil across the world. He has created huge problems, not just for the people in Zimbabwe, but for those who have been forced out of Zimbabwe and are now living in this city; in other places across these islands; in Zambia - and particularly for those now living in South Africa where we have seen recent violence and difficulties. The point was well made by Stephen Farry when he said that a UN trigger motion could be successful - it is absolutely clear that the internal affairs of Zimbabwe are now a threat to international security and action should be taken.

Although individual Members have taken their own approach and received their information from different sources, it is absolutely clear that the House is united. I thank those who have contributed and who have supported the motion - which was appropriate when tabled - and this morning's amendment. I trust that if nothing else happens, the media and visitors in the Gallery will report back to those Zimbabweans living among us that we have taken the debate seriously. The message can go back to their friends and family at home in Zimbabwe that they are not forgotten.

The main point of the motion is not just to outline the problems that have happened but to call on the international community, through the UN, the African Union and the SADC, to take all available steps to promote democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The motion is not prescriptive; that is for others to decide. However, it is clear that the people of Zimbabwe spoke on 29 March: they gave the MDC a parliamentary majority and they chose Morgan Tsvangirai as their president; not Robert Mugabe. All of us who believe in democracy and the rule of law have a duty to assist in ensuring that that decision is put into place with the utmost urgency.

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